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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE 2.0

 
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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 10:05:40 PM   
morvael


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The difference is you see MP available (after they were affected by rolls) and always can execute your perfect plan based on these known MPs. There will be no surprises, unit will always move where you want. Whereas you don't know how the rolls will end up in combat and can only have vague idea based on experience and knowledge of probability.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 10:09:11 PM   
morvael


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Imagine trying to move your unit without knowing MP beforehand, only when it refuses to move further you would know that it failed admin and initiative roll and had just 8 MP. And so you would have to choose between bold offensives (risking that the unit with most MP is not followed up and properly covered by slower units) or slow and safe movement.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 10:10:58 PM   
Aditia

 

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I understand that, but it solves a problem that does not exist..

You think that when Soviet Divisions got their orders to move somewhere, they went the opposite direction?
If anything, unlike the Germans, they actually knew the area, whereas most German units did not even bring someone who could read Cyrillic, making their outdated maps somewhat less effective.

No, they had ****ty staff officers that made moving units ineffective, and they arrived at their locations staggered, resulting in piecemeal attacks (also already(over)simulated by the ineffective nature of soviet attacks early game).



< Message edited by Aditia -- 8/2/2016 10:11:45 PM >

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 10:41:10 PM   
Michael T


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An observation. If I bought up this topic in a new board game forum, everyone would be in agreement that chaotic C&C for the Soviet in the early period is needed. The only debate would be how to best implement it.

Anyway let's not forget this entire thread is about WITE 2.0, it's not about repairing 1.0.

I have read some really good idea's from various people. My feeling is I want the Soviet to feel uncomfortable about his ability to co ordinate attacks (they will be worth doing in W2) and coordinating defensive works.

The current model (W1) is too easy on the Soviet in the early phases. We see MP's of around 12-16 for Inf ID. This allows great flexibility and freedom of choice. I think the range of 6-12 for most would be better with some bad surprises thrown in in a random fashion.

Whatever the case, the sense of chaos, disruption, orders not getting through needs to be captured.

DC3, a recent game on the subject tries to capture the same sense of chaos with a host of mechanisms not too dissimilar to what we are discussing here. It does a pretty good job.

As I believe W2 will be the premier PC game on this subject I think serious consideration to this facet of the design is warranted. W1 just doesn't hit the mark in this respect of early war C&C chaos in the Soviet system. It still works to well even with the bad leaders etc etc.



< Message edited by Michael T -- 8/2/2016 10:44:32 PM >


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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 10:49:32 PM   
Walloc

 

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quote:

ORIGINAL: Michael T

The current model (W1) is too easy on the Soviet in the early phases. We see MP's of around 12-16 for Inf ID. This allows great flexibility and freedom of choice. I think the range of 6-12 for most would be better with some bad surprises thrown in in a random fashion.

Whatever the case, the sense of chaos, disruption, orders not getting through needs to be captured.



I grain of salt has to be used here. Yes on the right conditions u can get above 12 but that mostly happens when units stays stationary and MPs are transfered.
So yes in a game that u have with Mainsten63 thats might be the case, but if its a more fluid situasion as in most prevaiient in AARs u dont get that high MPs often. Less units for some reason are stationary. Those will generally also have less fatigue.
At least, its very conditional.

Kind regards,
Rasmus

< Message edited by Walloc -- 8/2/2016 10:56:00 PM >

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 11:18:48 PM   
Aditia

 

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quote:

ORIGINAL: Michael T

An observation. If I bought up this topic in a new board game forum, everyone would be in agreement that chaotic C&C for the Soviet in the early period is needed. The only debate would be how to best implement it.

Anyway let's not forget this entire thread is about WITE 2.0, it's not about repairing 1.0.

I have read some really good idea's from various people. My feeling is I want the Soviet to feel uncomfortable about his ability to co ordinate attacks (they will be worth doing in W2) and coordinating defensive works.

The current model (W1) is too easy on the Soviet in the early phases. We see MP's of around 12-16 for Inf ID. This allows great flexibility and freedom of choice. I think the range of 6-12 for most would be better with some bad surprises thrown in in a random fashion.

Whatever the case, the sense of chaos, disruption, orders not getting through needs to be captured.

DC3, a recent game on the subject tries to capture the same sense of chaos with a host of mechanisms not too dissimilar to what we are discussing here. It does a pretty good job.

As I believe W2 will be the premier PC game on this subject I think serious consideration to this facet of the design is warranted. W1 just doesn't hit the mark in this respect of early war C&C chaos in the Soviet system. It still works to well even with the bad leaders etc etc.




OK, I don't categorically disagree here.

I guess my need to respond to these kind of topics stems from the following: I think WITE is a great game, also specifically because of the fact that it is not overly 'historical/realistic'.

What players here need to realise is that the German generals did amazingly in June-October 1941 considering the cards that they held, whereas the Soviet leadership did abysmally. If you would somehow recreate a realistic game setting of the Eastern front with the same 'hand of cards' so to say, I am convinced that when 2 players of equal skill meet the Axis player would get crushed in 1941.

I guess what I am trying to say is: be careful what you wish for; A 'realistic' simulation of the Eastern Front with 2 smart gamers at the helm would, because of the above, be a poop game...

Imagine having to deal with the following as the Axis:

- Supply line breaking down in front of Smolensk
- Panzers breaking down at rapid pace just by moving and no spare parts to repair them (we are talking Pz Divisions with only 20 to 40 panzer strength by end of July 1941)
- Artillery not firing when arriving in front of Smolensk, because there are no shells
- HQ units losing men and trucks at rapid pace because of lack of rear area security on top of breaking down on Western USSR's excuses for roads.

And while all that is happening, you are against a mighty gamer, instead of incompetent generals ordered by Stalin to attack everywhere, not doing you the favors that the Soviets did the Germans historically.

And of course, then there would be the much higher attrition simulating the ferocity with which the Soviet infantryman in generally fought.

I guess yes, if you want to play that game, the soviet player needs to have his freedom of decision nerfed and have units not do what they are ordered to do.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/2/2016 11:34:46 PM   
Michael T


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Since 2010 there have been discussions on this forum regarding the lack of Soviet C&C chaos portrayed in the early game. There was usually a general consensus that his was the case, even from pro Soviet types. But the discussions always degenerated in to the usual us v them and went off the rails and ended up in a debate over the blizzard or victory conditions or whatever. Ultimately the powers to be would step in and say words to the effect of 'best left to W2'. Well W2 is coming. Here is a chance to have input.

If enough people want some C&C rules that reflect the chaotic nature of early war Soviet problems and give a true sense of that period then speak up. If the opposite view is taken by the majority I won't swim against the tide. I want more chaos and disruption. That's pretty clear. I can't really add much more.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 12:19:38 AM   
Denniss

 

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What about using a random roll for every hex moved and if the roll failed a soviet units pays 2x or 3x the normal movement points?
This could be 3x with a high chance to get this roll in June, 2x with same high roll chance in August and 2x with lowered roll chance in September.
Possible addition: If an attack is ordered and unit gets the roll for 3x/2x and doesn't have enough MP for this it should have some or all MPs expended for this failed attempt.
Probably not applicable for AI or just in reduced form.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 12:54:49 AM   
Sammy5IsAlive

 

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The problem for me is that if you introduce all of these random failures for the Soviets you need to balance it by taking away some of the mobility/power advantages the Germans currently have early on. For me at the moment the way a German player uses their skill advantage in the early turns is by is by using their mobility/power advantage to make large scale moves that knock huge numbers of Soviets out of the game and gobble up territory/factories in the South - forcing the Soviet player to choose between North and South. If you matched the Soviet C&C issues with a corresponding reduction in German power/mobility then you would be left with a situation where the German player could not make those 'big moves' and instead was forced to play a much more small-scale game where they would be trying to take advantage of local C&C failures. If anything this could make the game harder for the Germans as the Soviet player would be more able to correct their own mistakes (or those mistakes caused by C&C breakdown) and plug those local gaps in their next turn.

I think the balance in the current game is slightly off - if you have two players of equivalent skill there seems to be very little chance of the German player reaching Moscow in 41 and even less chance of them managing it the next Summer. For me the probability (all other things being equal) should be around 66/33 at both points in the Soviets favour. Even with that tweak you are left with the issue whereby post Summer 42 you either have a very early German win or the inevitable Soviet advance on Berlin through 43-45 - a situation that is historically accurate but not particularly engaging for either player. One interesting solution you could have to that is an alternative 'what if' campaign where the North African campaign/invasion of Italy has failed and the Germans have enough resources to continue to attack into 43 or at least try and hold firm in Russia.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 1:28:43 AM   
Icier


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Maybe the simplest way to capture the Confusion of the Soviets in the first two months with transport/supply/communication is that each units
dices to see if it moves or stays. As these are weekly moves ( I presume they still keeping weekly moves), say start off with a high number to
move & then decrease each week.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 3:35:58 AM   
Peltonx


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quote:

ORIGINAL: morvael


quote:

ORIGINAL: Michael T

But a known MP value means the Soviet can co-ordinate perfectly. How would you suggest modelling orders that never made it thru to an army or orders ignored?



Simple solution - available MPs should be hidden :)
The more you move the more you risk hitting the hidden limit, and ending up in an undesirable location.


The bigger issue was the horrible Russian Logistics system Zhukov set-up.

Basicly Russian logistic system was a disaster from June 22 1941 to August 1st and then it 2 months before it was working, still digging into how effective it was but seeing gas shortages for trucks as into late 1943.

Army General G. I. Zhukov to be chief of the Soviet General Staff in January 1941 and you can read the joke of a logistic system he set up and then after 6 weeks of war an the system not working ( and you can read why real joke) . On 27 July a thoroughly frustrated Khrulev prepared a written proposal for a centralized rear service establishment designed to impose a measure of order on this rapidly unraveling rear support situation.15 The proposal was passed to the Supreme Commander, I. V. Stalin, who approved Khrulev’s recommendations and immediately ordered that a draft State Defense Committee (SDC) decision on the Red Army rear service organization be prepared.16
Working with his staff, Khrulev quickly drew up the SDC draft decree and presented it to Stalin in the predawn hours of 28 July.17 Over Zhukov’s objections, the decree was approved - a move that was to establish by 1 August the essential organizations and responsibilities of the Soviet Armed Forces Rear Services as they continued to exist through the 1980s.18 It also institutionalized what appears to be a degree of creative tension between the national-level rear services and the General Staff.19


Prewar Preparation, Wartime Reorganization, and the Support of Strategic Operations, 1939–1945
Graham H. Turbiville, Jr.


When German forces began their rapid advance into the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 - the beginning of the Soviet-termed Great Patriotic War - the logistic support system of the Red Army and Navy was in virtually every respect unprepared for the demands that were to be placed upon it. Rear service responsibilities were largely decentralized; analogous rear service control and management entities often absent from key tactical, operational, and central command levels; existing rear service directorates understaffed; and logistic resources of all types badly deployed for dealing with the “difficult” support situations faced by Soviet military forces. Indeed, the whole concept of providing logistic support to armies and fronts - operational logistic support - proved badly flawed from both organizational and resource standpoints.
Prewar logistic planners anticipated these systemic and resource problems, though senior Soviet commanders (severely attrited by the 1930s purges) gave logistic matters only secondary attention. Thus, when a 47-year-old corps commissar named A. V. Khrulev was appointed supply chief of the Red Army in October 1939, he found himself in a job that was ill defined and possessed little real authority over those many agencies charged with logistic support.3 Khrulev, a decorated veteran of S. M. Budennyî’s First Cavalry Army in the civil war, set out with his staff to reconstruct a rear service establishment that even in peacetime seemed clearly unsuited to support large-scale combined-arms operations.
Almost from the beginning of his tenure, however, he became immersed in the numerous problems engendered by the 1939–1940 Winter War with Finland. Transportation and logistic management problems were particularly acute in the Winter War. Even from the earliest days, railway cars supplying front forces were backed up on a number of lines because of inadequate tracking and poor planning. An attempt to alleviate this problem by also supplying the Northwest Front by sea from Arkhangelsk through Murmansk instead created chaotic conditions at the Arkhangelsk port. Every Red Army branch of service (artillery, engineer, signal, etc.) operated on its own schedule with no overall coordination.
294

Information sent from operational levels to central logistic planning bodies was irregular and sometimes inaccurate.4
As a consequence of these problems, and the inability of the logistic establishment to deal with them, Khrulev pushed for the creation of a central “Quartermaster Directorate” with expanded capabilities, a request met by People’s Commissar of Defense Marshal K. E. Voroshilov, in the summer of 1940. Khrulev (now a lieutenant general) was given increased authority and staff support. While this constituted a measure of progress at the central level, it was far from the sweeping restructuring envisioned as necessary at all levels by senior logisticians.
As Khrulev continued to push for greater control over rear services in the months preceding the Soviet Union’s entry into World War II, there was considerable discussion and disagreement within the Soviet military establishment over the subordination of rear service bodies and responsibilities for planning logistic support at every level. These disagreements became particularly acute with the assignment of Army General G. I. Zhukov to be chief of the Soviet General Staff in January 1941.
General Zhukov “supported those on the general staff who believed that a general outline sufficed as a basis for directing the supply of the army in the field.”5 Under this approach:
The General Staff would calculate needs and issue a directive; the quartermaster services subordinate to it would dispatch everything requested from them; and the commandant’s offices of the general staff ’s Military Transportation Service, to which motor vehicle, rail, water, and air transport were subordinate, would deliver to the troops all types of authorized supply.6
In short, Zhukov wanted the general staff to retain direct control of key rear service entities.
By the start of the war, in accord with Zhukov’s wishes, logistic responsibilities were divided among the several principals. As the recently retired chief of staff of the Soviet Armed Forces Rear Services, Col. Gen. I. M. Golushko, noted in a considerable understatement forty years later, “a definite separateness could be observed in the organization and, consequently, in the actions of the directorates and services related to the rear support sphere.”7 At the tactical and operational levels, the control of logistic planning within fronts, armies, and divisions rested principally with the commanders and combat staffs, not specialized rear service planning bodies. This allowed only the most superficial attention to be given to rear service support because of the other combat demands placed on the commanders and staffs.8
In addition to the organizational problems and resulting difficulties in the operation of the rear service system, those logistic resources intended to support Soviet operational formations in the initial period of war were badly deployed. Basically, there were depots for all classes
295

of supply (weapons and equipment, ammunition, POL [petroleum, oil, and lubricants], repair parts, food, etc.) subordinate to the various central directorates of the Commissariat of Defense, and to military districts. These stockpiles were intended for the mobilizational deployment of operational formations. However, in addition to the lack of centralized rear service management (and likely because of it), there were dangerous anomalies in what supplies were found at which levels. For example, the General Staff ’s POL reserves were virtually all located at military district level or in facilities of the national economy, with almost no stocks under direct central control.9 Thus, the general staff was limited in how quickly it could influence the POL supply of field formations.
On the other hand, ammunition stockpiles, which were the responsibility of the Main Artillery Directorate’s (GAU) Artillery Supply Service at each level, were located in GAU central, military district, and field army depots. In wartime central depots were expected to supply forward army ammunition dumps directly, while army depots in turn would supply lower echelons.10 No provision was made for a front link, though fronts would be expected to plan for the expenditure and resupply of ammunition while army entities carried out the actual resupply operations.11 The problems and confusion resulting from this kind of arrangement were not difficult for Khrulev and his staff to imagine and indeed became quickly manifest once the war began.
It is clear that the rear service support establishment existing at the time of the German attack would have had substantial problems meeting large-scale support requirements even with adequate preparation time and favorable circumstances at the beginning of war. The German attack, however, totally disrupted prewar plans for rear service mobilization and support. Huge quantities of supplies were overrun or destroyed by German forces in the first days of the conflict. Those supplies surviving or located further in the interior were often “in the hands of various services that were not subordinated to combined-arms headquarters” and thus were not made available to combat units.12 Rear service elements had to simultaneously provide retreating units with supplies, undertake the mobilization deployment of rear service units, and evacuate supplies.13 In addition, because of the concurrent requirements to sustain Soviet units and operational formations in combat and evacuate over 1,300 industrial enterprises as well as agricultural and other resources, “two gigantic train flows were moving in opposite directions with incredible difficulty under constant air attack by the enemy.”14
It is not surprising, in light of the above, that the Soviet logistic support system failed in most respects to meet the enormous demands so suddenly placed upon it. By early July 1941, by Soviet assessment, Zhukov and the General Staff were so immersed in operational matters that they had neither a conception of the logistic situation at the fronts,
296



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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 11:47:32 AM   
MechFO

 

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Supply:

The problem the Soviets had was getting supply delivered from the depot to the unit-> chance for unit to fail both supply roles if not 1? hex from a depot. This can be tied to European Russia or distance from the front, so the Soviet player doesn't have to deal with starving frozen units in f.e. the Kaukasus. Units sitting on depots will still be tough to dig out, but units in the middle of nowhere have a problem.

C&C

Mostly manifested itself in the attack-> random reduction factor when attack CV is calculated, bigger coordination penalties. This promotes Sir Robin but with supply being harder to come by and the prep system, moving a unit unless really necessary is no longer automatically the right choice and success in attacking spearheads is both necessary but more of a risk.

These effects should be tied to a turn x, but a turn range with no notification. This way both players can't be absolutely sure what the current situation is.


The Germans now have an incentive to push their units into the ground and accept exposed positions.

< Message edited by MechFO -- 8/3/2016 11:48:31 AM >

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/3/2016 12:28:21 PM   
Peltonx


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quote:

ORIGINAL: MechFO


The Germans now have an incentive to push their units into the ground and accept exposed positions.


1.0 or 2.0?

Historically that's what Germans did its called blitzkrieg, cut off you enemy logistically and let infantry mop up enemy units that have a limited supply of ammo ect - which in turn saves manpower and equipment.

While the rest of the world was grinding forward wasting manpower and equipment.

The exposed positions are not the Germans, but then encircled enemy units. A small price to pay.

AND they put more troops into suppling the front line troops and repairing equipment.




< Message edited by Pelton -- 8/3/2016 12:33:08 PM >


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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/6/2016 3:26:13 AM   
Ketza


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Just make all Soviet leaders have zero ratings on the first turn and slowly improve.

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RE: Soviet C&C difficulties June/July/August 1941. WITE... - 8/6/2016 4:07:20 AM   
Aurelian

 

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The Germans had their own command crisis in July and August. Funny how that doesn't get mentioned.

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